Beyond "Anti-Globalization":
Towards a Deeper Understanding of Capital and the State
ISCapitalism has within its inherent logic always contained a motivation
to ruthlessly expand. The Anti-Globalization movement is therefore
false in asserting that the present phase of capitalism is somehow new.
The way in which it is occurring may be new (states/countries have
increased control over the populace, while the state itself has lost
some control over capital and trade), but capital has always contained
such a drive to expand its domain. Since its inception the logic
guiding capital has been to "grow or die." This mentality and material
manifestation has permeated throughout its history.
ISTo relate it to my own region where I live in Portland, Maine, a local
business by the name of Java Joe's owns in addition to two coffee shops
a "local" Ben & Jerry's (which was recently bought out by a national
corporation of which I'm not sure of the name); again demonstrating the
always expansive drive of capitalism. Put into perspective, this
illustrates the nature of capitalism related to my own particular
locale. In correspondence to the global context, the current
manifestation of capital is a spatial reorganization eroding the
sovereignty of nation-states.
ISMost Anti-Globalization activists as well as anarchists have
unfortunately fallen into the trap of promoting the sovereignty of
the nation-state over that of the globalization of capitalism. Both
the nation-state and capitalism, however, need to be examined
theoretically and subsequently attacked. Our analysis and actions must
also take into consideration the operation of capital on both a global
and local scale. Such an understanding is needed so we don't end up
becoming part of reformist or nationalist campaigns. We also need to
recognize implicitly that when we attack a financial manifestation of
capital such as the World Bank, IMF, or WTO we are doing simply that--
attacking merely one aspect of the many headed capitalist beast.
ISThe center of capital lies not merely in its exchange or financial
sector, but also in its production center-- the point whereby most of
us are forced to reproduce our own humiliation and enslavement. This
being said, my point is not to fetishize the workplace as a superior
sight of struggle, but to consciously recognize it as a potential
breaking point for a world without capital, work, law, mass technics,
etc. Often times an understanding of the degradation caused by reducing
ourselves to the demands of capitalism is lost to rebelling on behalf of
the poor and dispossessed masses of the Third World. While oppressed
people around the globe certainly deserve our solidarity, we often
neglect a more theoretical and reflective understanding as to why we
may decide to lob bricks through windows. In order to build a coherent
and effective opposition to capital and the state, we must recognize the
brutal state and capitalist restructuring forced upon the poor and
dispossessed of the global south through institutions such as the WTO
and IMF (and soon the FTAA if the rich get their way), as stemming from
the same system that creates the internalized alienation we in the north
feel every day at work, in school, and on the cold streets of our
concrete cities and plastic suburbs. Capitalism's growth is also
responsible for the increasing instances of gentrification and poverty
in U.S. cities and rural areas.
ISAmong the Anti-Globalization movement there exists a theme of middle
class pluralism-- justice, freedom, equality, fairness-- whereby the
diversity of people existing on the planet are coalescing against
"global capitalism." What is missing in this is an explicit reference
to class. Thus we have middle class liberals fighting against "global
capitalism" but ignoring the insidious nature of local capitalism, while
at the same time failing to recognize class dynamics. This isn't however
to say it's the fault of individuals as such but more the fault of the
non-profits and liberal organizations. The individuals involved in such
organizations are often manipulated and are not encouraged to think
critically. Subsequently the relation of capitalism to our everyday
lives is reduced to an evil, shadowy dominating "global capitalism"
where the people of the Third World are forced to accept the dictates of
such capitalist restructuring. While this is part of the puzzle, many
pieces remain missing. Capitalism is a social relation affecting everyday
life in its "global" and "local" manifestations. While working, our living
activity is reduced to dead time whereby we seek relief only to return
home, watch TV, go to bed, and start the process over again. Taking it
out of the context of wage labor, we experience the same existential void
in the absence of community wrought by the competitive and
machine-oriented nature of modern capitalism.
Saying this, the task should not merely consist of blindly embracing the
"Anti-Globalization" declaration of solidarity against "Global Corporations"
and "Global Capitalism," but should seek to deconstruct the mythology
inherent in its deference to the local against the global. Anarchists,
Autonomists, and Anti-capitalists existing as an oppositional current
shouldn't reduce their own efforts against such to a mere "Anti-Globalization"
or even "Anti-Capitalism" without a conscious recognition of class and its
relational dynamic to the capitalist totality. As demonstrated, capitalism
is not a mere thing out there in the Third World, but a social relation
conditioning the totality of our relations and everyday life.
Our critical solidarity to rebels in the Third World should extend from
perhaps an understanding of our mutual enslavement to capital and the state.
While more physically alienating in the Third World, our relationship to
capital in the First World tends to be more psychologically alienating
(the service economy, for example). This understanding should form the
reference point for solidarity, rather than consist merely of a call for an
amorphous rebellion on behalf of Third World rebels.
To this end, we must develop a deeper understanding of capitalism. This must
stem from a self critical and collective inquiry. Only then can we develop
an insurrection consonant with the world we have a desire to live in.
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